社交网络已成为大多数人生活中必不可少的一部分,越来越多的人通过社交网络进行自我呈现,以满足个体的内部需求和与他人交往的需要。研究表明,社交网络中的自我呈现可以影响个体的主观幸福感,但影响的具体方向和机制不尽相同。本研究对该领域相关文献进行系统梳理,归纳出社交网络自我呈现影响主观幸福感在个体层面和社会交往层面的心理机制。此外,从个人层面和情境层面两个角度出发,总结社交网络自我呈现影响主观幸福感的边界条件。最后总结该领域目前存在的不足,并从概念界定、社交平台多样性、被试广度、其他潜在机制四个角度提出未来研究的方向。
Nowadays, social network has become one of the necessary parts of people’s life. More and more people tend to presenting themselves through social network in order to meet intrapersonal as well as interpersonal needs. Empirically, a large scale of previous studies illustrated that self-pre- sentation on social networks may affect individuals’ subjective well-being level. However, more elaborate examination needs to be performed to further explore the direction and mechanism of the relationship between self-representation on social networks and subjective well-being. The current paper systematically reviews recent studies on the link between online self-representation and subjective well-being, summarizing the potential psychological mechanisms of into two domains: individuals’ level and social interaction level. For the boundary conditions, we summarized the factors into two perspectives: individual and context. Finally, we pointed the limitations of previous studies and proposed future research directions about self-representation on social networks and subjective well-being from four perspectives: differentiating the related concepts, considering the diversity of social platforms, broadening the scopes of participants, and identifying other potential mechanisms.
社交网络,自我呈现,主观幸福感, Social Networking Sites Self-Presentation Subjective Well-Being摘要
Nowadays, social network has become one of the necessary parts of people’s life. More and more people tend to presenting themselves through social network in order to meet intrapersonal as well as interpersonal needs. Empirically, a large scale of previous studies illustrated that self-presentation on social networks may affect individuals’ subjective well-being level. However, more elaborate examination needs to be performed to further explore the direction and mechanism of the relationship between self-representation on social networks and subjective well-being. The current paper systematically reviews recent studies on the link between online self-representation and subjective well-being, summarizing the potential psychological mechanisms of into two domains: individuals’ level and social interaction level. For the boundary conditions, we summarized the factors into two perspectives: individual and context. Finally, we pointed the limitations of previous studies and proposed future research directions about self-representation on social networks and subjective well-being from four perspectives: differentiating the related concepts, considering the diversity of social platforms, broadening the scopes of participants, and identifying other potential mechanisms.
自尊水平的提高又会进一步提升个体的生活满意度,提升主观幸福感(Baumeister et al., 2003; Chui & Wong, 2016; Diener & Diener, 1995; Rosenberg et al., 1995; Thomas, 1988)。高自尊的个体对自身能力更加自信,能倾向于采取积极的应对方式(如问题解决、主动寻求他人帮助)而非消极的应对方式(如反刍、回避)去面对生活和工作中的挑战,根据客观条件灵活地主动改变或适应当前的情境,从而拥有更高的主观幸福感(彭英,2019)。实证研究表明,自尊水平在社交网络自我呈现与主观幸福感之间起到中介作用,并且具有跨群体(中学生、大学生和在职人员)的稳定性(冯秋梅,2016;彭英,2019;杨兰,2019)。因此,社交网络自我呈现能够提升个体的自尊水平,使得个体更加积极地看待自己和面对生活,进而提升个体的主观幸福感。
3.1.2. 自我认知
自我认知是指个体对自己的洞察和理解,同样在社交网络自我呈现与主观幸福感之间的关系中起着重要的作用(时蓉华,2007)。自我概念清晰性是指个体对自身了解所达到的清晰程度,是自我认知的主要组成部分(Campbell et al., 1996)。研究表明,当个体在社交网络中进行较多的自我呈现时,会提高自我概念清晰性,使得主观幸福感下降。研究者对其的解释是:自我清晰性高的个体在面对生活中的一些压力事件时,容易产生更高水平的焦虑和压力,进而导致个体生活满意度的降低;然而,当个体的自我概念清晰性水平较低时,则会通过逃避不愿直面的困难,使幸福感水平不再降低(赵君哲,王明辉,2019)。但从长远来看,通过逃避困难这种消极的应对方式并不能解决实际问题,也不能对幸福感的下降起到缓解作用。
社会支持是个体感知到的他人对自己的支持性行为,这种支持性行为可以使个体免受不利环境的伤害,增强个体的社会适应性(Malecki & Demaray, 2002)。随着互联网的快速发展,关于社会支持的研究由现实空间延伸到了网络空间。网络社会支持(Online Social Support)是指在网络空间的交往中,人们在信息、情感交流和物质交换的过程中被他人尊重时获得的一种归属感和认同感(梁晓燕,2008)。
社交网络中的积极自我呈现会塑造的积极正面的形象,使个体在保持愉悦心情和积极自我概念的同时提升个体感知到的社会支持(Kim & Lee, 2011)。当个体使用真实自我呈现时,由于其在社交网络中展现自己的真实情况,进行深入真实的自我表露,会增加人际信任和亲密度,有助于个体获得积极反馈和社会支持(Kisilevich et al., 2012)。研究表明,感知到的社会支持和网络社会支持本身都可以正向预测主观幸福感(王卓娅,2012;严标宾,郑雪,2006)。进一步研究发现,网络中自我呈现可以通过感知到的社会支持或网络社会支持的中介作用对主观幸福感产生影响(牛更枫等,2015b;杨兰,2019;朱薇,2018)。
3.2.2. 社会联系
在社交网络使用过程中,个体的自我呈现能与其他用户建立或维持人际连接,获取线上社会资本(Ellison et al., 2007)。线上社会资本是社会资本在网络世界里的表现形式,包括Putnam (2000)提出的桥接型社会资本(Bridging Social Capital; 指个体通过社交网络与他人建立较弱的联系以及获取新信息)和黏接型社会资本(Bonding Social Capital; 指个体通过社交网络与重要他人拥有更多的互动和更高的信任,维持强联系)研究表明,社交网络的使用能够保持并累积社会资本,提升个体的社交能力和自我价值感(Ellison et al., 2007),而自我呈现中塑造的积极正面形象会使个体与更多社交网络用户建立弱连接,提高桥接型社会资本;自我表露会使个体与亲人及朋友维持强链接,提高黏接型社会资本(Chen & Li, 2017;何丹,连帅磊,2017)。国内外学者普遍认可社会资本对于主观幸福感有着正向促进的作用,并且与主观幸福感存在长期稳定的正相关(Glaeser et al., 2002;郭薇,刘连龙,2014)。基于此,何丹与连帅磊(2017)的研究探索并证实了社会资本在线上自我呈现与幸福感提升之间起到中介作用。
还有研究发现了社交网络自我呈现通过提高社会连通性、增加社会亲密度、获得积极反馈等方式对主观幸福感产生了积极的影响(Desjarlais & Joseph, 2017; Liu & Brown, 2014; Neubaum & Kräme, 2015)。这些变量产生于社交网络中与他人的联系,都强调了他人强化的重要作用。根据超人际模型(hyperperson model),自我呈现的影响可以通过同伴的强化来建立(Joseph & Walther, 1996)。该模型指出,互联网超越了面对面的人际交流,允许个体选择性地自我呈现,突出一个人的积极方面,可以扬长避短;其次,个体也会理想化地利用群体身份特征、人格刻板印象等通过文本来填充对伙伴印象发展过程中的空白倾向。此外有研究者发现,超人际模型在网络自我呈现对人际亲密度影响中的解释包括了发送者和接受者两方面,即双方的亲密度得到提升(Jiang et al., 2011),这能进一步阐释社交网络自我呈现通过社会联系的紧密而对主观幸福感产生促进作用。
3.2.3. 社会比较
社交网络中的自我呈现还可以使个体对他人的信息进行感知和反应,从而影响主观幸福感。根据社会比较理论(social comparison theory),人们通过和更好或更坏的其他人进行比较来评价自己目前的能力和观点,即上行比较和下行比较(Festinger, 1954)。在社交网络中,人们更容易进行社会比较。这是因为,当人们在社交网络上进行自我呈现的过程中,会不可避免的受到他人自我呈现(例如浏览好友自我呈现的信息或与好友进行交流互动)的影响(刘庆奇等,2017;牛更枫等,2016)。在社交网络中,人们倾向于进行更积极的自我呈现,从而展现出优于现实生活中的生活状态(Qiu et al., 2012)。这种在社交媒体上的积极自我呈现的氛围会诱导个人向上的社会比较,进而降低个体的主观幸福感(Verduyn et al., 2015)。此外,根据相对剥夺理论,人们会根据自己所属群体中的相对地位来评价自己(Mummendey et al., 1999)。相对剥夺是由于社会比较产生的一种心理过程(Kim et al., 2018),在他人在社交媒体上自我展示的背景下,向上的社会比较使幸福程度相对较低的人感到他们的基本权利被剥夺(熊猛,叶一舵,2016)。研究表明,他人积极的自我呈现会增加被试的相对剥夺的感觉,从而间接降低个体的主观幸福感(Barcena-Martin et al., 2017; Fan et al., 2019; Yang, 2020)。
4. 社交网络自我呈现影响主观幸福感的边界条件4.1. 个体边界条件4.1.1. 自我需求
在社会互动中,自我呈现方式对不同自尊水平的人的影响不同。Jang等(2018)的研究表明,与低自尊的Facebook用户相比,采用真实自我呈现的高自尊用户会报告更高水平的主观幸福感,然而积极自我呈现对个体的主观幸福感的影响程度并不会因为其自尊水平而存在差异。这是因为高自尊的个体对自身的真实自我更有信心,并认为自己比低自尊的人更有社会吸引力,社交网络的真实自我呈现满足了高自尊用户对与能力感的需求(Brown et al., 2001)。
受欢迎的需要(need for popularity, NFP)是指为了显得受欢迎而去做某些事情的动机,可以被认为是一个长期的印象管理目标(Utz et al., 2012)。研究表明,与低NFP的个体相比,NFP高的个体在生活满意度方面更容易受到自拍观看行为的影响,频繁的自拍观看行为会使得高NFP的个体有更高的生活满意度(Wang et al., 2017)。进一步分析表明,高NFP的个体渴望在社交媒体上寻求人气,因此会更注意到他人在社交媒体上发布自拍,产生更频繁的自拍观看行为。此外,高NFP的个体更加认同自拍的行为,因此,自拍观看行为对高NFP个体生活满意度的影响更加明显。
4.1.2. 自我呈现策略
关于社交网络自我呈现策略的分类有较多种,概念并不统一,而不同策略对于主观幸福感的影响也略有差异。其中最为常见的分类是Kim和Lee (2011)提出的积极自我呈现和真实自我呈现,或者策略型和真实自我呈现(Jang et al., 2021)。Kim和Lee的研究表明,积极自我呈现对主观幸福感的直接影响程度更大。例如,当Facebook用户积极的自我形象通过自我呈现得到更好的保留和肯定时,他们的幸福感就会提高。积极错觉理论(Positive Illusion Theory)也可以解释这一结果,即对自我偏差或强化的认知可以帮助人们应对自我威胁的情况,进而提高感知幸福的能力(Taylor & Brown, 1988)。由于真实自我表露在社会关系发展中的重要作用,真实自我呈现更多地通过感知社会支持的中介作用间接影响主观幸福感(Joinson, 2001)。另一项关于Facebook上自我呈现的研究表明,自我呈现策略对主观幸福感的影响受到呈现主体与呈现对象间关系亲密程度的调节:对于关系较弱的朋友,个体在使用策略性自我呈现时会有更高的主观幸福感;而对于关系紧密的朋友,策略性自我呈现和真实自我呈现对幸福感的影响没有差别(Jang et al., 2021)。
上述社交网络自我呈现策略对主观幸福感影响的主要差别在于正向预测作用的强弱。然而,不适当的自我呈现策略(如虚假自我呈现、自恋型自我呈现和消极内容自我呈现)则会对个体的主观幸福感产生消极的影响。Wright等人(2017)在研究中发现社交网络中存在虚假自我呈现策略(false self-presentation),主要包括说谎和不诚实的点赞这两种行为,这种虚假自我呈现行为与个体的焦虑、抑郁、压力等水平呈正相关。此外,有其他研究者发现了呈现虚假的自我会导致个体较低水平的主观幸福感(Michikyan et al., 2015)。Jang和Kim (2020)的研究发现,较为孤独的女性倾向于在社交网络中使用自恋型自我展示(Narcissistic self-presentation),即一种试图通过自拍照或社交媒体上的帖子来展示自我、表现出自我夸大和自我推销的特点,从而引起别人的注意的自我呈现方式。这种自恋型自我呈现策略对主观幸福感的影响是双通道的,其一是通过自我差异的作用对主观幸福感有消极的影响。这是因为,根据自我差异理论(self-discrepancy hypothesis),在社交网络中越是呈现自恋型的自我,与真实自我的差异越大,个体会感受到更低水平的幸福感;其二是通过社会支持的中介作用对主观幸福感产生积极的影响,自恋型自我呈现对社会支持有直接影响,而社会支持能正向预测主观幸福感。此外,有研究发现,与积极自我呈现和真实自我呈现不同,在社交网络中呈现自己的消极情感或发生在自己身上的消极事件等消极自我呈现会降低个体的主观幸福感(Bevan et al., 2014; Liu et al., 2006)。
4.2. 情境边界条件4.2.1. 个体情境:生活压力事件
个体所面临的生活压力事件会影响社交网络自我呈现对主观幸福感的作用。Stiles (1987)的表露发热模型(fever model of disclosure)指出,当人们感到痛苦时,他们倾向于呈现更多的信息,即个体在压力情境下可能会更频繁地进行社交网络的自我呈现。根据自我呈现压力缓冲效应(stress-buffering effect; Derlega et al., 1993; Kahn & Hessling, 2001; Zhang, 2017),自我呈现可以保护人们免受生活压力的严重困扰,缓解压力带来的负面影响。研究表明,在面临更多压力生活事件时,在社交网络上更多进行亲密和积极自我呈现的个体会体验到更高的主观幸福感,而更多进行真实自我呈现会导致个体的主观幸福感下降(Gibbs et al., 2006; Zhang, 2017),这是因为坦率地谈论自己可能会暴露自己的缺点或消极特征,让他人认为自己是一个不可靠的伴侣或朋友。因此,在面生活临压力事件时,真实的自我呈现可能不利于呈现者本人;相反,它还可能导致亲密和陌生人的错误判断和拒绝(Coates et al., 1979)。
4.2.2. 社交情境:社会信任
在社交网络中进行自我呈现时,与他人之间关系的感知非常重要,社会信任是这种关系感知的一个集中体现。Fukuyama (1999)认为,社会信任是在一个社会团体中,成员对彼此常态、诚实、合作行为的期待;社会信任以共同规范为基础,以个体隶属社会团体为前提。研究表明,个体在网络互动过程中对他人的看法影响了积极自我呈现与主观幸福感的关系。对于高度社会信任的个体,积极自我呈现与主观幸福感的正相关关系会显著的高于低社会信任个体(Kim & Baek, 2014)。如果个体对伙伴有积极的期望,则更倾向认为伙伴会相信和接受积极的自己,这会使个体的心情愉悦,因为这预示着其自我呈现的成功。反之,如果个体认为其他人可能不信任自己的意图,拒绝自己积极呈现的自我,会导致个体的心理挫折(Nicole et al., 2006)。
4.2.3. 文化情境:个人–集体主义
除了个体生活情境和社交情境,文化情境也影响着个体在网上展示自己或看待他人的方式,进一步影响社交网络自我呈现对主观幸福感的作用方式。文化价值观代表着民族文化的核心,影响着个人的交际行为(Gudykunst, 1997)。以个人主义和集体主义为不同导向的民族文化在与他人关系的重要性方面有所不同(Gudykunst, 1997; Hofstede, 1980, 2001; Triandis, 1995)。研究表明,在个人主义国家,社交网络自我呈现广度不能影响主观幸福感水平(Verduyn et al., 2015; Wang et al., 2017),而社交网络自我呈现强度可以正向预测个体的主观幸福感(Brailovskaia & Jürgen, 2019;毛良斌,2020)。此外,与积极自我呈现相比,真实自我呈现对主观幸福感影响的效应更大(Hongliang, 2017);在集体主义国家,社交网络自我呈现广度能够显著地积极影响主观幸福感(Kim et al., 2014; Lee et al., 2011; Wei & Gao, 2017),而社交网络自我呈现强度对主观幸福感没有显著影响(Chai et al., 2019),积极自我呈现对主观幸福感的影响效应高于真实自我呈现(Hong, 2018)。
第三,已有研究中的被试多为年轻人,尤其集中于大学生群体,被试类型较为单一。虽然选择这类被试可以理解为他们是社交网络使用者的主体,但随着科技的飞速发展,越来越多的未成年人、中老年人也在使用各类社交网络平台,且不同年龄段的人在社交网络自我呈现过程中受到的影响可能也不尽相同。张振亭(2019)的研究表明,老年人微信自我呈现与其主观幸福感并没有显著相关性,这与基于大学生群体的多数相关研究结果并不相同(Fan et al., 2019;陈必忠,2017;孟男等,2017)。此外,社交网络自我呈现带来的自我概念的提升对青少年和大学生群体的生活满意度起到截然相反的作用:自我概念提升虽然可以提升大学生被试的生活满意度(刘庆奇等,2017),却会降低青少年群体的生活满意度(赵君哲,王明辉,2019)。研究者对上述结果的解释是,大学生与青少年的认知水平和所处的环境、面临的压力不同,故而自我概念清晰的程度可能会对生活满意度产生不同的影响。然而,由于该方向在儿童青少年与中老年人群体中的相关研究过少,未来研究需要进一步探究社交网络自我呈现对不同年龄群体心理健康的影响,探寻更具有普适性的规律或者解释和阐明不同年龄段之间的作用差异。
第四,目前关于社交网络自我呈现影响主观幸福感的个体边界因素的探讨主要集中于个人需求与自我呈现策略,忽略了其他个体因素特别是人格因素的影响。人格与社交网络自我呈现息息相关。有研究表明,外倾性高的个体会更加频繁地在社交网络平台进行自我表露,更倾向于采取积极自我呈现策略;而尽责性高的则往往采用真实呈现策略等(Marshall et al., 2015; Michikyan et al., 2014;田人睿,2016),在社交网络中自我呈现的不同频率与方式又会进一步影响个体的主观幸福感。此外,社交网络自我呈现影响主观幸福感的心理机制也值得进一步探讨:不同层面的心理机制究竟是同时发挥作用,还是存在序列效应?后续研究可以采用并列中介模型、序列中介模型、有调节的中介模型、结构方程模型等,全面深入地探讨社交网络自我呈现影响个体主观幸福感的作用条件和机制。
文章引用
刘力嘉,石佳霖,赵一玮,张秀晴. 社交网络自我呈现与主观幸福感:心理机制与边界条件Self-Presentation and Subjective Well-Being in Social Network Sites: Psychological Mechanisms and Boundary Conditions[J]. 心理学进展, 2021, 11(04): 1057-1069. https://doi.org/10.12677/AP.2021.114120
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